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Can I redeem a gift card for cash? Finally, we thank Karen Williams for improving our English. Encompassing anything from written travelogues in the eighteenth and nineteenth century via literature, press, feature films, documentaries and TV programmes to con- temporary video activism on the Internet, Regional Aesthetics navigates us through a variety of media landscapes that have changed significantly in both form and content.

Our exclusive focus on Swedish imagery should not, however, be seen as a narrowing factor. On the contrary, we are firm- ly convinced that our discussions are just as relevant to other contexts. Now, you may ask why we choose to publish an anthology such as this right now, when digital, virtual, glocal and social media appear to have taken over as the predominant forms of communication.

One significant, perhaps commonsensical, reason is that the media of all periods and genres always need to be put in historical perspective if they are to be compre- hended in any depth. And naturally, the activities and responses trig- gered by this output also need to be scrutinized individually, in relation to each other as well as over time.

For instance, being posted on a digital social network with images of yourself, your friends, family and home is no longer an implicit request that you may choose to act on or disregard. Instead, you now constantly need to meet the never-ending bombardment of non-negotiable precon- ditions if you wish to remain included on these virtual — and increasingly predominant — media platforms. Websites such as Facebook, Flickr, and Twitter comprise some of the most telling examples of this massive con- temporary trend, and their apparent success suggests that, in the future, we by all accounts will be confronted with even more advanced concep- tions of space and place.

Indirectly, however, this development also hints at the possibility that analogous media networks have existed in the past. If we remain in the present, there are numerous examples of websites on the Internet that skilfully operate globally around the clock. Many of them have had — and will probably for a foreseeable future continue to have — a tremendous impact on the ways in which particularly younger generations think about their immediate and distant environments. With regard to the questions posed in this volume, one must thus con- tinuously ask oneself whether future generations will experience a dimin- ishing need for spatial belonging owing to even more elaborate and far- reaching social media.

Or whether the development will be the opposite: Will the mediated identity assembly we see on the Internet today even- tually fade out and lead to a renaissance of geographically located iden- tity making and social interactions of a more traditional nature? Our analytic journeys through past and present media landscapes at- tempt to answer questions such as these.

The analyses have been made significantly easier to pursue thanks to the ongoing digitization of vari- ous media archives around the world, but also thanks to the never-ending stream of publications on aesthetic and spatiotemporal topics within the various academic fields addressed here. And indeed, the regional aesthetics of Sweden that we explore below has also been persistent, both as contemporary source material and as media utteranc- es in their original time and place.

Not surprisingly, many of the texts analyse how the rural and urban landscapes were aesthetically mediated during these formative years. Accordingly, the nineteen chapters regularly combine textual close readings with historical contextualization. Nations, Regions, Sovereignty Although predominantly historical in outlook, all texts have been exclu- sively written — and later on revised — with the present volume in mind.

This means that they have been conceived during a period in Swedish his- tory marked by complex geopolitical affiliation. Accordingly, this is also a book about another form of change, pertaining to the increasingly vague significance of concepts such as the national, the regional, the local, the global, and the glocal.

Among the several reasons for this territorial and geopolitical confusion is the recognition that national sovereignty is in de- cline as a regulatory force in global coexistence. Therefore, the fact that the viability of cultural or national insularity has been seriously undermined also needs to be taken into account.

This has become particularly obvious in economic and financial matters, aptly exemplified by the intro- duction of the euro, which now spreads a continentally converging aes- thetics by way of daily monetary transactions.

In one fell swoop, this trans- formation wiped out twelve formerly more or less autonomous national currencies, hence preventing individual governments from pursuing the independent monetary management that was previously a distinct and of- ten employed form of national positioning in the present context, the visual positioning on the coins and notes can still be noted as an implicit yet not unimportant manifestation of attempts at sustained sovereignty.

British social scientist and geographer Allen J. In any event, this is exactly how several of the approaches used below address the complex intertwining between concepts such as the national, the regional and the global. And in all of them, aesthetic concerns are dealt with in some way or another. In these cases, the specific nation and its citizens are essentially set apart in relation to other countries or the rest of the world. More often, however, regional and local areas are the focus of the investigations, on occasion sketched from a national model, but primarily understood as varyingly independent territories — either based on a multifaceted understanding or in conflict and competi- tion with other domestic places and self-conceptions.

In still other in- stances, it is the relationship of these areas to a global world or to more limited foreign entities that comes under scrutiny. Consequently, several of the following chapters deal with Swedish perspectives on the world beyond the national borders, which of course in itself also entails a fair bit of self-imagining.

On the other hand, when Sweden is imagined from abroad in, for instance, a British or German television series, the envi- sioning may appear as something experienced through a distorting mir- ror, at least for those living in the particular places depicted. In our title, the term region is used in what may appear to be a rather liberal sense. Thus, use of the word is not exclusively coupled with a geo- graphic area on a sub-national level, such as an administrative division or district.

And even if such territorial mapping occurs, there are cases where the writer is concerned with media representations of indefinite or vast areas that are aesthetically distinguished by certain more or less unique features. Because all approaches comply with the various definitions of region found in most contemporary dictionaries, there was no cause for us to be less tolerant.

The ways in which Swedish media have represented and conceived of the region during the past two hundred years have indeed changed repeatedly in scope, depth, style as well as meaning. Just con- sider the ways in which almost every part of the contemporary developed world prides itself with interactive websites that present the local area and heritage to global audiences. Conversely, the Internet is also saturated with websites that allow each and every one of us to go wherever we wish whenever we want.

However, they obviously also influence the ways in which we relate and get used to the aesthetics of these virtual locations. Because we aim to put such contemporary manifestations in a historical perspective, some of the following chapters deliberately use the term regional aesthetics in a more traditional sense. In these texts, regional aesthetics becomes a label where relationships between the immanent qualities of certain representations and the locations they were either received in, produced at or depict are interrogated.

Our own journeys through the Swedish media landscape took about a year and a half to complete. Some were made in order to achieve a better understanding of contemporary regional representations, others to pin- point a few of the many forerunners. That being said, we quickly decided against presenting the results chronologically.

In each of these sections, the focus lies on spatial and aesthetic considerations at different times in history and in different forms of media. The laws and the films both related to the potentially negative aspects of sex. The teaching materials consist of guides to re- spected English language films such as Hotel Rwanda and Shooting Dogs and also the Swedish short The Last Dog in Rwanda, all made in the twen- ty-first century.

Here, Gustafsson critically analyses the teaching materials and refers to a long-standing ideological division in Sweden between val- uable and commercial films. These particular films were recognized as valuable, but their proclaimed value as such came to shadow the historio- graphical problems they created. In , with the American Civil War raging, the Monitor and the Merrimack fought for naval supremacy at Hampton Roads in southeastern Virginia, the struggle ending in a draw.

The image studied here was constructed by a classic s biopic about John Ericsson, the Swedish engineer behind the ingenious ar- moured ship the Monitor. Marklund remarks that the country visited in the films often reflects on either the genre or the general generic mood.

Drawing on the theories of media scholar David Morley, Ljungberg claims that the privilege of the contemporary elite as a matter of choice resides in the possibility of mov- ing between the local and the global. The importance of this dialectic is apparent in the magazine, where, for instance, the local is often connect- ed to the qualities of what is perceived as a retreat. The global, on the other hand, is represented primarily by the big city and to an increasing degree the Asian metropolis, cities such as Tokyo, Hong Kong, and Shanghai.

The journalistic travel texts in RES are characterized by their aim to find a subtle balance between the local and the global. One of the most popular sites for these second homes was the Stockholm archipela- go. It was also here that the enormously popular Seacrow Island cycle was set, both as a television show and on the big screen.

She employs various images of the city of Falun in central Sweden — DVDs and also public film screen- ings organized by the local museum — to differentiate between the two levels. Jernudd presents her in-depth interviews with fifteen residents of Fagersta, all of them with memories of a cinema culture of the past. Based on the interviews, Jernudd lays bare various social tensions regard- ing, for instance, class, and she also manages to create an alternative his- tory, both regarding the role of the cinema as institution and the decline of the industry on which Fagersta was entirely dependent.

The film stars Eva Dahlbeck later of Bergman fame, particularly in Smiles of a Summer Night and tells the story of a young countrywoman — Brita — of humble origin, who is employed as a house- maid in a bourgeois Stockholm home. Through various plot developments, Brita eventually marries Greger George Fant , the son of the house, in spite of the different forms of resistance from people in the environment.

Here, Holgersson notes the self-evident dimension of aiming for class equality. There are, however, many other complicating dimensions, which also are addressed. Rodell em- phasizes three different spatial structures in which these celebrations take place: nostalgic space, confrontational space and official space. Another example is the celebrations in the northern town of Boden, situated in the north of the vast region of Norrland, which borders on Finland.

Here, the National Day marked the end of the Cold War and new missions for the military in a town that was traditionally one of the most densely garrisoned in northern Europe. Lundell reads the travel litera- ture from the Enlightenment to Romanticism, discovering a journey basically from flat land to flat land.

By this he means that the laudatory descriptions of the plain were briefly exchanged for a discovery of the mountainous parts of the southern part of the region at the turn of the nineteenth century. The channel was opened in Here, Stigsdotter unveils a dialectic between the need for the producers to make the landscape appear familiar to British viewers and at the same time adding to it the exotic allure of Sweden.

So is the regional film production centre whose activities are at the core of this analysis. Here, the first thirteen in- stalments of the Swedish Wallander cycle were produced, and Hedling pursues his argument studying the role of the films in the local tourist trade in Ystad. The films examined are two extracts from contemporary newsreels, filmed and shown at the time in regular cinemas, and an amateur film, shot and screened privately by a local cinematographer.

The newsreel films were made in and , respectively, and the amateur film coincided with the fall of Germany and peace in May Drawing on theories of nationalism, the author analyses how these iconic elements were at the very core of creating a celebratory style in local documentary. In the first three films, the stony landscape was employed in order to conjure up threatening feelings of erotic deceit between husband and wife, in the fourth, The Seventh Seal, the rocky shoreline depicts the hostile nature of existence itself.

Here, Persson discusses history in terms of a construct, employing the term identity creation drama to analyse the various historiographical artefacts. Persson unveils traces of a regional nationalism related to contemporary European discourses on finance and politics. Here, Askanius addresses several issues of, for instance, globali- zation, media activism and even political resistance. Indeed, there was a merger of transnational movements in a flow showing that con- temporary media activism is neither local nor global.

The city went through some drastic transitions in the s and s, from being a major Swedish industrial site to a place mostly for business and higher education. The most obvious changes to the cityscape were the building of the bridge to Denmark and Copenhagen and the erection of a two- hundred-metre-high skyscraper called Turning Torso.

Scott, Allen J. The point of the present paper is to examine these three films and dis- cuss how sexuality becomes the focal point for a national anxiety regard- ing a changing region and a changing world. I will do so by reading them as a discourse on sexual transactions across national borders, a discourse marked by a national postcolonial anxiety.

The argument made here is based on three factors: first, the relation between Sweden and the former Soviet Union, especially the Baltic states, as a postcolonial relation; second, the fact that the releases of the films are framed by two changes in Swedish law regarding sexual transactions; and third, the national gendering of these sexual transactions. Although the three films in different ways tell stories about, or in one case lets the audience glimpse images of, other countries, I will argue that their main point is to say something about Sweden.

The Other, in these films, is used as a mirror for self-reflection. Nevertheless, they are, as well, financed and pro- duced by Swedish or Nordic companies and funding agencies. This, I would claim, is true of the other two films as well. In that sense, the discourse of the films can be regarded as a postcolonial discourse from a Western point-of-view. Quite apparently, the history of the Baltic states is fraught with colonial and national issues.

Furthermore, although Moore points out Russia as the great colonizer in the post-Soviet area, regarding the Baltic states, the Swedes are no innocents either. This essay separates the phenomenon of prostitution from the discourse of prostitution, or more specifically in this case, the discourse of sexual transactions across national borders.

Thus, the issue is not real sex workers or real trafficked persons, their experiences, and how they relate to the films or to the laws. One is a pseudo documentary, one a documentary, and the third is based on a true story. Yet the objective of the essay is not to compare the accounts of the films with actual facts and figures regarding wife-import, sex-tourism, and human trafficking for sexual purposes.

Rather, the aim is to demonstrate how the sexual relations are staged and portrayed in these films as a way to respond to a national anxiety interspersed with a vague sense of guilt on behalf of Sweden. The laws on sexual transactions are not used to determine whether they have been successful or whether they were the correct response to an actual situation, but rather to indicate the pres- ence and urgency of these issues in the public discourse at the time.

Nevertheless, the fact that two different scholars, independ- ent of each other and from different positions, extrapolate the same logic from one film underscores the quite univocal and unambiguous character of Lilya 4-ever: There is not much room for other interpretations.

For the purposes of this article, I would like to use the conclusions of the two essays by Hedling and Hansell as a starting point. This claim is further reinforced by some conclusions drawn by socio- logist Annelie Siring in a report on prostitution.

Having worked with how the sex-buying law is understood, discussed, and implemented by police and social workers, Siring infers that the law is often regarded as a means to thwart human trafficking for sexual purposes and as a way to start unravelling other types of crimes Siring, — Finally, the ambivalence of the feelings of anxiety and guilt in these films is inscribed not only onto sexual relations, but also and more spe- cifically, onto the body of the woman.

The sites of exploitation in these films are, firstly, the places where the sex is negotiated and carried out, and secondly, the female body on which — it is understood — the sexu- al activity is performed. Here, one can add that the cinema or living room in which these events are screened can be regarded as a third site of ex- ploitation, where the filmmakers may or may not be exploiting the sen- sationalism of their subjects. Nevertheless, the post-Soviet body is gen- dered female and as such, exploitable by male, capitalist, and global forces.

Three Films about Sexual Transactions across Borders At first glance, the three films I have chosen to focus on appear to be very different. Like the other films, it was characterized by a dark, ironic, and challenging humour, as well as a clever story construction, and the fact that the same actors played more than one character.

The film introduces the men, shows some of their everyday lives and has them talk into the camera, telling the audience about their hopes for the trip. Through speed dating, the men are expected to each hook up with a woman, after which there is a loud and drunken party. The next day they leave to return to Sweden. Moreover, the word loneliness quite adequately describes the theme of this film.

The film straddles a fine line between comedy and tragedy and is really more about Swedish loneliness, or rather lonely Swedish men, than about Estonian women or the practice of wife-import. It is perhaps the weirdest of the three films discussed here. The wages paid to those working for Swedish and other Western companies are so low that Latvian women have no choice but to sell sex- ual services, which in turn is taken advantage of by Swedish and other Western business men on location.

However, Hollender takes his own agenda one step further: He pays some of the women participat- ing in the film to have sex with him, on camera. Thus, the documen- tary ends with the self-righteous and indignant documentarist commit- ting the same crime that he has accused Swedish business men of com- mitting, which of course is his albeit blatant point. Buy Bye Beauty caused an inflamed controversy in Sweden and was consequently shown on TV3, at the time the most low-brow of Swedish television channels and not part of public service SVT.

Not surprisingly, he is just a front for a traffick- ing organization, and as soon as Lilya arrives in Sweden her fake passport is taken away from her, she is locked into an apartment, raped, and forced into prostitution. The film ends with her suicide. The subject of the film is lonely men, and they are through and through depicted as lonely, socially handicapped, quite pitiful, and not exactly classical boyfriend material.

The country to which they travel could actually be any country with a lower GDP than Sweden. In Buy Bye Beauty, the focus is on sexual tourism, Swedes who go abroad to enjoy the freedom of travel and the luxury of being rich in a country where the Swedish currency has more purchasing power than at home. This issue has recently, due to the passing of a law in Norway that makes it possible to prosecute Norwegians who have bought sex abroad, been discussed in Sweden, with some voices suggesting that such a law could be valuable in Sweden, too Olsson, In the TV debate following the screening of the film on Swedish television, Hollender was accused of breaking Swedish law by paying for sex.

Hollender defended himself by stating that making pornographic films is not illegal in Sweden and that he had paid the women to have sex with him on camera. Lilya 4-ever deals with the inflammatory topic of the sex slave trade — which in Sweden was long commonly known as trafficking, although trafficking according to the UN is a much wider concept United Nations: What is human trafficking? Although the sex-buying law was intro- duced with the argument that it would enhance gender equality and curb violence against women cf.

As Siring concludes in her report, many police regard the law as an instrument to keep trafficking at bay. As argued by Hedling in his es- say on the film, Lilya 4-ever neatly fit into a kind of hegemonical Swedish Social Democracy and was used both abroad, by politicians to campaign against the sex slave trade, and domestically, shown to young people in high schools and to young men doing their military service Hedling, — Sex, Prostitution and the Other The sex-buying law was part of a number of legislative measures aiming to counteract violence against women.

Two public investigations preceded the legislation, one specifically on prostitution, the other on violence against women. By making it a crime to pay for sex, the intention was to change the focus from the sellers of sex to the buyers of sex, and consequently, the law became known as the sex-buying law.

It had already been a crime to procure sexual services and to provide a place for prostitution, but from January 1, , the only per- son still legally involved in prostitution was the sex worker. The law has been quite aggressively debated. One general objection has been that the law is not efficient: it does not stop prostitution but forces it un- derground, which makes the sex workers more susceptible to the hazards of the trade, such as rape, abuse, and even murder.

Another objection, voiced by for instance social anthropologist and queer scholar Don Kulick, has been that the law reinforces a normative sexuality and reproduces the notion of Swedish sexuality as natural and progressive Kulick, Is sex work? The investigation preced- ing that decision declared that there were many different laws — besides the sex-buying law, for instance the laws against abduction and against the procuring of sexual services — that could be used as instruments against trafficking.

However, the investigation maintained the need to strengthen the legal means to combat the international sex slave trade SOU, In the case of human trafficking for sexual purposes, an image of the Other in the shape of the former Soviet Union and its satellite states takes shape during the reading of the report. It describes the huge political changes these nations have undergone and explains that unemployment is abundant, that social welfare institutions have been forced to close and that there is a demand for sexual services in the richer part of the world SOU, — Actually, in the para- graph in question, the report concurs, almost word for word, with the readings performed by Hedling and Hansell of the narrative logic in Lilya 4-ever.

The men because they in some sense fall outside of a heteronormative sexuality by being alone instead of married in a society where coupling — heterosexual or homosexual, although most often heterosexual — is the norm. Social anthropologist Lissa Nordin has studied single men living in the far north of Sweden and analyses, in an essay, their situation from a queer perspective Nordin, Recount- ing the experiences of one man who, after frequent trips to Russia, married a Russian woman, she states that the respective motivations for both spouses were assumed to be other than love.

The villagers held it to be true that the Russian woman, a school teacher, had duped him into marrying her, some were even positive that she had been a prostitute Nordin, 41— In a study of Russian women in Scandinavian media, Alexandra N. Although we, the spectators, laugh in recog- nition of the characters, they are still in some sense removed from us. This is in part an effect of the ethnographic quality of the supposed documentary, but also of the use of cleverly constructed character stere- otypes.

In a bizarre scene, he and the bus driver lock the travellers into the bus on the car deck of the ferry to Estonia. While the bus windows become misty with condensation, Roland, who seems like the most romantic of the men, draws hearts on his window pane. Paldiski is also the location on which a large part of Lilya 4-ever was shot.

It used to be a nuclear submarine base during the Soviet era and was abandoned in the mid-nineties. Now, only approximately people live there. Like Chernobyl, there are websites devoted to pictures from Paldiski, as in some kind of abject fascination for the drab archaeology of the former Soviet Union. It is as though the people living there have been abandoned just like the build- ings.

At the beginning of the film, the men have expressed some of their hopes and expectations for the trip to the camera, so the audience understands, in some sense, what their motivations are. Like Nordin states in her essay about single men, they have a feeling that it is better not to be alone Nordin, 35— When told, on the bus to Estonia, that the ratio is in their favour that is, three times as many women as men , they cheer.

Regarding the motiva- tion of the women, the spectator has to guess. Svetlana also provides a clue to the motivations of the oth- er women — her husband bullies her and at one point in the film, he slaps her. Again, the film offers stereotypes, this time of a backward and poor nation where getting out might seem like the better alternative for young women. As Leontieva and Sarsenov note, dating agencies that specialize in match-making women from the former Eastern Europe and Soviet Union with Western men reinforce such stereotypes by presenting the women as more traditional and eager to please than their Western sisters are Leontieva and Sarsenov, Lule, who is the only one who actually leaves, can also — from the few scenes we see her in — be inter- preted as very determined to leave and accepting the best possible offer of the men.

Nevertheless, one important motivation for the women who do, in reality, leave for an uncertain future in an EU nation is the fact that they have extremely few chances in their hometown or home country. In the sex crime investigation that preceded the law on traffick- ing, it is frequently underlined that even though some women may know that they will work in prostitution, the conditions under which they will be working are unclear SOU, — In the film, Lilya is de- picted as an extreme victim, since she has no idea.

Even though Volodya warns her about the intentions of the young man who has offered to take her to Sweden, Lilya seems youthfully unaware about what might be in store for her. Thus, Paldiski functions on two levels — one, as a site of the Other and, in the case of Lilya 4-ever, as the synecdoche of the entire former Soviet Union, and two, as a direct link between Sweden and the Baltic states.

It is most likely that the second level did not occur to the filmmak- ers when they chose the location, or to the larger part of the audience. Consequently, it is not probable that there was a conscious point to be made by choosing that location, other than that it was conveniently near- by and looked its part. Nonetheless, in all three films, the choice of region and in two of them, the choice of location, form an abstract subtext to the very tangible action.

The films may very well evoke a general and indistinct Swedish sense of unease, complicated relations, something problematic and, perhaps, a vaguely felt guilt regarding the Baltic region. Furthermore, this abstract subtext has its counterpart in the sense of homelessness that accompanies the exploitation of the Other. All three films underline the more or less home- less character of the sites of sexual transactions.

This neutral ground is the forlorn hotel in Pald- iski, where the hard surfaces make all sounds echo and the attempts at decorating the room are quite futile. Its hotel rooms, additionally, are not only anonymous but have a bunker-like quality. The toilets are located behind shower curtains within the rooms.

A point is made that the cost per night of the hotel room equals three Latvian monthly incomes. Most impor- tantly, Lilya herself is orphaned and homeless, abandoned by her mother, driven from her home by her selfish aunt, placed in a run-down apart- ment and finally kept by her pimp in a foreign land. The montage that shows her encounters with the Swedish tricks presents various locations, some of which are homes — she sees the first man in his apartment and there is an upper-class male in his own house — but some of which are, for instance, what seems like a bachelor party in a swimming hall.

All three films underline the language barrier between Swedish men and Estonian, Latvian or Russian-speaking women. The voice-over narration, spoken by Hollender, is also in English and the film is subtitled in Swed- ish. And in Lilya 4-ever, Russian is the language through most of the film, subtitled in Swedish. Spoken Swedish is almost only heard spoken by the tricks and by the ambulance personnel in the last moments of the film.

Furthermore, in the scene showing Lilya at the house of the upper- class man, he is clearly trying to stage a paedophile scenario in which she is a little girl doing her home-work. Here, he speaks to her, instructing her, in Swedish, and she responds in Russian, the inability of either part to understand one another protecting Lilya as well as illustrating her ultimate homelessness.

The Female Body and Loss of Identity As I stated at the beginning of the article, the ambivalent sentiment of fear and guilt concerning the post-cold war scenario can be regarded as projected onto sexual relations and more specifically the young female body. In a sense, the women in all three films in one way or another fall victim to large historical and global processes. However, in all three films, sexual intercourse forms important cross-over points, in which sex becomes a pivotal event.

Roland tries to intervene in a problematic situation and gets stuck in the basement with the bus driver for some time, during which either Eda gives him up and settles for Slobodan instead or Slobodan moves in and proves a more proficient seducer than Roland.

Nevertheless, whichever way one wants to interpret the sequence, the act is in a sense a betrayal, but by whom and of what is unclear. Again, in Buy Bye Beauty, the act of sexual intercourse seems to be like a cross-over point. The discourse on exploitation, sexual tourism and prostitution, although quite agitated, is removed at some distance from the viewer. Preceding one of the sex scenes is an interview situation with a woman and her boy- friend.

They discuss relationships, and they seem to be in agreement that a man should be able to look after his woman. The boyfriend strongly ex- presses his desire to protect his girlfriend. There is an abrupt cut to the sex scene between her and Hollender, with the boyfriend present in the room.

Insidious as this juxtaposition of dialogue and image is, one could contend that he is, in fact, protecting her by controlling that she is not harmed during the intercourse. In all the sex scenes, the camera briefly shows the faces of the women, the expressions of which quite clearly underline the tragedy and emptiness of the whole situation. They do not look sad, angry, or disgusted, instead they look like their minds have been transported somewhere else. Although the version that most people in Sweden saw was censored through a blurring of the geni- tal areas,4 and although — or perhaps because — the scenes were very short, they still conveyed a palpable abject feeling through the use of sound and the close-ups of faces.

Lilya 4-ever contains more scenes of sexual transactions than the other films. Elsewhere, I have argued that the use of POV camera in the mon- tage sequence, which shows Lilya with a number of different tricks, func- tions in three different ways. Fi- nally, and perhaps most importantly, it illustrates the loss of identity and subjectivity Lilya experiences in Sweden Larsson, Her passport has been taken away from her, she does not speak the language, and her agency has been taken away from her too.

Bit by bit, her personal identity is eliminated. Albeit in different ways, all three films turn sexual intercourse into a highly emphasized event, saturated with significance outside the purely physical bodily action. Very likely, the diversity of the tricks Lilya encounters in the montage sequence is intended to show a stereo typology of Swed- ish males — the lonely, older man, young men at a bachelor party, and the upper-class pervert.

The cute old ladies selling vegetables in the market square are all controlled by one business man, the police force is corrupt, the taxi drivers make more money from mediating encounters with prostitutes, etc. Conclusion In sum, I would contend that it is no coincidence that the sex-buying law and the law against human trafficking for sexual purposes were imple- mented during the same few years as these films were released.

Both the laws and the films indicate the same national anxiety, but whereas the films express that anxiety, the laws attempt to contain it. The anxiety deals with some kind of fear of a national contamination: that the prob- lems over there galloping capitalism, non-existing welfare systems, etc. Leontieva and Sarsenov quote an observation by Norwegian folklore scholar Stein Mathisen, who maintains that the former military threat has become a hygienic problem and the soldiers are not Russian men anymore, but Russian women Leontieva and Sarse- nov, The threat is embodied by prostitutes or imported wives from the former Soviet states — female sexuality becomes something that is both feared and viewed as being in need of protection.

Furthermore, what is apparent in these films is that the depicted sex is bad. In Buy Bye Beauty and Lilya 4-ever, it is physically bad sex for the women, and at least morally bad sex for the men. Since , when the practice of mandatory sex education started in schools, sexuality has been a small but important part of the Swedish welfare project Lennerhed, , cf. Kulick, Swedish sexuality is morally sound.

This pro- vides a historical background as to why the national anxiety surrounding world political and economic developments focuses on the sexual aspects of globalization, especially concerning itself with the fate of women and children. A strong influence of radical feminism saturated Swedish policy-making with an ideology of gender equality, which in its turn is based on a kind of essentialist feminism from the s.

This is quite clearly expressed in the legislation on prostitution Gould, —, Kulick, 81—82, 94— However, and in addition to this, the phenomenon of connecting a national anxiety concerning globalization to the fate of women and chil- dren is not new or incidental: Historian Ann Hallner has compared the discourse surrounding the white slave trade in the early twentieth cen- tury with the discourse of trafficking almost a hundred years later Hall- ner, Although Hallner does not mention the films of the s, it seems as though the discourse of white slave trade as well as the discourse of trafficking contains a handful of films as well as articles, speeches, and laws.

That these national or social anxieties are expressed in films is thus not a coincidence either. Again, I want to underline that this essay concerns the discourse of sexual transactions across national borders, not the actual phenomenon. As a discourse, these three films tapped into a general apprehension con- cerning the global movement of female migrants, dissolving national boundaries, and sexual behaviours.

Additionally, they specified the Other as a post-Soviet woman by locating the sexual transactions in the former Soviet Union, and in two cases particularly and explicitly in two of the Baltic states, consequently evoking a particular Swedish perhaps Nordic ambiguous fear and paternalism. What Kristensen notes about Lilya 4- ever is actually applicable to the other two films as well.

In the case of these three films, though, I would identify the nationality of the Other as more ambiguously post-Soviet, in some cases explicitly Baltic. Thus, in the Swedish imagination, as materialized in these three films, a kind of distorted colonial perspec- tive can be discerned. Through this perspective, the former Soviet Union is connected with the young female body and a female sexuality that is exploited by the larger forces of capitalism and globalization.

Don Kulick Stockholm: Natur och Kultur , pp. Don Kulick Stockholm: Natur och kultur , pp. According to Annelie Siring, prostitution has been officially investigated in , in , and in Siring, Those investiga- tions contained, among other things, interviews with several sex workers.

The exceptions here are the documentary genre and certain films that are in some way considered valuable, by virtue either of their artful composition or their subject matter. Parallel to this view runs the general belief that films have the ability to influence their audience when it comes to matters of morality, emotions, and above all violence, underlined by the fact that, throughout the past and all around the world, the film medium has constantly been subjected to numerous forms of prohibition and censorship.

Nonetheless, in recent years more acknowledgement has been given, in scholarship and in society, to the commercial feature film as a significant purveyor of knowledge. However, obtaining knowledge and information through moving im- agery is neither a new phenomenon nor an unproblematic one. For ex- ample, Sweden has a long tradition of using film material in public school education.

In addition to this, the practice of lending films was decentral- ized through the creation of local audiovisual centers AV-centraler , which still supply schools with audiovisual educational material. In accordance with this tradition, the Swedish Film Institute SFI has produced some downloadable film teaching guides designed to be used by teachers and pupils in schooling at most levels in the Swedish compul- sory school system.

These film teaching guides include a summary of the film in question, a historical background pertaining to its subject matter, and thoughtful queries related to its narrative and theme intended to form a basis for classroom discussion SFI, a. The films themselves are therefore not approached as subjectively crafted media products, but are instead perceived, from a teaching perspective, as more or less accurate retellings of historical events or contemporary issues.

That is, SFI:s princi- ple of selection implicitly guarantees the quality of these films and film teaching guides as more valuable than other, often more commercially successful and popular films that pupils in fact actively choose to see, and that thus constitute an important part of their everyday life Rizzardi, , , The discrepancy between what is regarded as valu- able films and commercial films is to some degree expressed as the differ- ence between what is and is not to be considered art.

What is more, this division affects the reception of films that are marketed or financially sup- ported by SFI. At the same time, however, it limits the ways in which these film teaching guides can be used as teaching aids, as the term valu- able film carries with it a strong sense that these preferred films are indeed accurate in their treatment of their subject matter in a rather naive way.

What we have here then is nothing less than a canonization of knowl- edge and information through the use of imagery, at the same time as the media construction of this imagery is largely allowed to go by unchecked. But what does this canonization, and the didactic approach attached to it, imply on a cognitive level? How, and under what conditions, does en- tertainment transcend the merely diverting and become important knowledge? Or is this even a possible prospect?

A school survey dis- closed that an alarming number of Swedish youths were not convinced that the Holocaust actually had taken place. As a consequence, the Swed- ish parliament launched a huge information campaign in to inform about the history of the Holocaust and the processes underlying it. Although the occurrence of genocide is highly uncommon in real life, it has become a relatively common narrative in film and television pro- ductions, in particular pertaining to the numerous representations of the Holocaust over the past 30 years.

The nominal breakthrough came with the success of NBC:s TV miniseries Holocaust , which was broad- cast in the US and most Western European countries and received tremendous ratings in and The latter, and clear- ly dominant, attitude was expressed by a number of influential intellec- tuals, such as Theodor Adorno and Eli Wiesel, and applied irrespective of whether the artistic representation concerned films, paintings or nov- els, as it was claimed that a conventional dramatization of the Holocaust would inevitably lead to mere trivialization Zander, — Besides the sense of trivialization and a fear that the Holocaust could be turned into a Hollywood theme park, there are several reasons, some carrying more weight than others, for this often fierce antagonism toward an explicit rendering of the Holocaust that keep the subject away from the screen.

The strong sentiment that genocide, especially the Holocaust, is an event that to all intents and purposes is impossible to make sense of within the realm of the arts does have several implications in this instance. Second, because this notion also constitutes the guiding principle for the production and even existence of genocide films and film teaching guides, it creates a contradiction in objectives.

The re- luctant attitude has in fact contributed to thwarting the creation of pub- lic memories of genocides, which in turn have led to a situation in which genocides can and are overlooked as historical events, or mythologized and even reduced, as in revisionist histories of the Holocaust. This pro- saic elucidation is symptomatic, in that it does not explain anything, but instead reduces the Holocaust to an act of irration, clearly part of the par- adigm in which the Holocaust is perceived as unexplainable.

However, as Hansen asserts, the Holocaust has predominantly been dependent on mass-mediated forms of memory Hansen, Following the enormous impact of the TV series Holocaust, the Holocaust became the genocide narrative par excellence, quickly developing into an accepted and even normalized subject. After , the production of Holocaust or Hol- ocaust-related films virtually exploded out of its previous semi-suppres- sion.

As a consequence, the number of feature films and feature-length documentaries produced between and has by now exceeded and is still growing. Now, the question is not if but how genocides are depicted and rationalized within film and television narration.

Accordingly, these genocides are also not made into commercial docudramas or broadcast repeatedly as docu- mentaries on prime-time television. The ultimate consequence is that they have remained absent from public memory, and are therefore hard- ly part of any global, European or national historical consciousness. The danger of this non-memory can be illustrated by the continued and open discrimination of the Romani people in European Union member nations such as Italy, Hungary, Romania, Czech Republic, and Slovakia see, for example, Sniegon, — Thus far, six feature films, at least two dozen feature-length documentaries and nu- merous documentary shorts have been made, making the Rwandan gen- ocide the most audio-visually recreated genocide, second only to the Hol- ocaust.

Together these films have formed a powerful audiovisual histori- cal memory of the Rwandan genocide. Second, because they emphasize a moral viewpoint aimed at the failure of the Western powers to intervene. Third, because these films, fictional or factual, draw from the same type of emblematic images to illustrate, rather than to ex- plain, the genocide per se.

In other words, collectively these films work to communicate the message that the events in Rwanda constituted a hor- rific episode in human history that never ever can be allowed to happen again, similar to the intention and message of most Holocaust films. Then again, the films on the Rwandan genocide are still in the midst of development. The films produced thus far only fit into two genres, that of the solemn drama and the factual documentary — the expected genres for films dealing with genocide — whereas Holocaust films have outgrown these genres and at this point have the ability to be rendered as action films, exploitation films, and as straightforward comedies.

That is, they are in accordance with the position taken by SFI with regard to the process of selecting films of value for school education. Films on the Rwandan Gen- ocide, albeit fewer in number than Holocaust films and still contained within a narrower generic spectra, are therefore rarely condemned as in- appropriate films based on how they treat the subject, because the subject per se seemingly has the power to override any objections. Here, attention will be given to a case study on how the history of the Rwandan genocide is constructed and explained, that is, how it is taught within the Swedish educational tradition of visual imagery.

However, at the same time it also demonstrates the position Hotel Rwanda has obtained in the canon of celebrated genocide films. What is more, this spe- cific viewer position could only arise because the Rwandan genocide was unknown to the public by , ten years after it took place.

Furthermore, the no- Video cover of Hotel Rwanda. Of the two film teaching guides that deal with the Rwandan genocide, Hotel Rwanda was the first to be produced and therefore no such recom- mendations are included in the film guide when it comes to other films, even though there already existed several feature length films on the sub- ject by This ignorance is also something that clearly permeates the film teaching guide on Hotel Rwanda, which bears the marks of a scamped piece of work.

This is far from accurate, because the history of Rwanda is fairly well documented see, for example, Newbury, However, the way in which this comparison is undertaken leaves much to be desired. Hence, the genocide is clearly depicted as an irrational and spontaneous act, even though its or- igin and rational planning are well documented and can be traced back to the drawing up of the Bahutu Manifesto in The Black Past, and the creation of the Hutu Ten Commandments in Melvern, 25— In spite of this nothing was done!

Continue to think about what could have been behind this passivity: fear or simply ignorance? According to director Terry George, this was a deliberate tactic used to draw more people to the cinemas — nota bene not to make more money, but to inform more people — and in that perspective, showing explicit genocidal violence was seen as con- tra-productive Scanbox, The second film teaching guide, on British produced Shooting Dogs, has a number of similarities to the one on Hotel Rwanda.

Instead of employing dubious generalizations, this film teaching guide tries to create a more penetrating discussion through questions concern- ing, e. After all, the world did turn a blind eye on Rwanda.

Do distance and cultural differences mean we have less empa- thy? One other important feature that crucially separates this film teaching guide from the previous one is the lack of comparisons with the Holocaust. As an alternative, the author chooses to position the Rwandan genocide in relation to contemporary and contextual events, such as the humanitarian crisis — some say the ongoing genocide — in Darfur.

This raises the ques- tions of whether the Rwandan genocide is to be considered unique in the same way as the Holocaust is often claimed to be, and in addition, whether it is beneficial or even practical to compare these two genocides with each other, as is done in the film teaching guide on Hotel Rwanda. To sum up, both film teaching guides have their shortcomings regard- ing the question of how to make use of film material in school education.

However, the least obvious shortcoming is perhaps that neither of the films in these film teaching guides are questioned at all on aesthetic grounds or concerning their historical content. Thus, from a teaching perspective, the events portrayed in these films could literary be under- stood as a slice of reality, an understanding that is created and then sus- tained through the focus on historical content, but also through the nar- row selection of films and supplementary sources independent of these films.

In fact, the whole continent turns into a single aesthetic re- gion, both culturally and politically. This should not be interpreted as a critique aimed mainly at the films themselves. These are, after all, com- mercial products with a series of different limitations attached to them, but, nonetheless, with an exceptional ability to create awareness.

Rather, the predicament arises when these films are employed as if they were accurate historical accounts of the Rwandan genocide. In line with this state of things, the film teaching guide on Shooting Dogs also includes, not surprisingly, Hotel Rwanda among its recommendations, thereby further reinforcing its canonized status.

In addition to Hotel Rwanda, only one more film is recommended, the Swedish short film The Last Dog in Rwanda, which in this context indicates that this film is in some way able to mediate valuable knowledge about the Rwandan genocide. A Film about Genocide? This package is part of a pilot project launched by SFI and UR on how pedagogical film material can be designed and used in school education SFI, b.

The Last Dog in Rwanda was aired on SVT in , but its main distri- bution route, and claim to fame, came through screenings at internation- al film festivals where the film received a string of prizes, among them the prize for best short narrative at Tribeca Film Festival, and the Grand Prix at the Clermont-Ferrand International Short Film Festival, both in SFI, c. On the surface, The Last Dog in Rwanda seems to be an ideal choice to use in education on the Rwandan genocide.

Yet the fundamental question remains: To what extent does a celebrated film such as The Last Dog in Rwanda have to say about the Rwandan genocide per se? This is a summary of the film: Rwanda in May Two Swedish jour- nalists, a reporter named Mats and a photographer named David, are traveling in an area secured by RPF.

The two journalists look at a corpse lying in a schoolyard in front of a statue of Jesus, a smaller replica of the Je- sus the Redeemer statue in Rio de Janeiro. The reporter says that it would look good if the corpse had its arms stretched out like the statue in the background. This is followed by a lengthy flashback in which David tells us that he has always loved war.

During his Swedish compul- sory military service, he chose to enlist in the special ops, where an exercise in interrogation technique went wrong, leading to acts of cruelty. The journalists no- tice a pile of machetes that have been left behind.

Before they leave, they ask the guide to take a byline picture while discussing the options for in- stalling a new kitchen back home in Sweden. On the road they listen to heavy metal music. The journalists visit a RPF military headquarter, ask- ing for interesting places to go see.

The military offer them an escort and they decline. In spite of this, a young boy, John, goes with them. As they travel through the war-torn countryside, they see women and children on the run. During a break they witness how John shoots a dog.

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Politiek Landets politiska situasie och trovrdighet pverkar ocks vxelkursen. Om Landet r politiskt instabilt kan det medfra ofrutsgbara hndelser. Det frsvrar af framtida vrdering av landets tillgngar eftersom vrdet kan BDE ka eller minska. Det kan d Leda tot att Andra lnder inte ser det politiskt frsvagade Landet som tillfrlitligt att investera i. Vilket ek gesondig tur Leder tot att landets uitvoer och invoer minskar. Ekonomisk tillvxt Vid God ekonomisktillvxt ser man af Positiv kning Ek vrdet p landets valuta.

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